| Nobody disputes that the 2024 general election is all about Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But beyond him, there are six candidates whose performance in this election will reshape both state and national politics, wrote DK Singh. They are fighting mini-battles but they are going to have a big impact.
Shruti Vyas added one more name to that list. Regardless of the outcome on 4 June, the 2024 polls will be remembered as the election of Uddhav Thackeray, she wrote. The drama of 2022 has galvanised him and he is writing a new story for himself and Maharashtra. Uddhav has found his political voice and prowess and is creating his own cult and distinct legacy while maintaining his affable qualities.
There is a strong leader mythology that has seeped into the Indian political narrative. The folk wisdom is that they are good for governance and economy. Indira Gandhi and Narendra Modi are in that mould. Nilakantan RS disputes this cliché and asks two questions: what do we want in a democracy? Quick and decisive action that may not have political consensus or frustratingly slow decision-making that endures long after the decision is made? His solution is to strengthen state and local governments and moderate the influence and ability of the Union government. A ‘strong’ Prime Minister is a hurdle in that, he wrote.
A curious problem is bedevilling the Left parties in this election in West Bengal. Nothing appears to be helping, wrote Deep Halder. Even though the number of young candidates fielded by the Left, such as Srijan Bhattacharya, Saira Shah Halim, Dipsita Dhar, and Sayan Banerjee, offer a welcome change from the Trinamool Congress-Bharatiya Janata Party binary that West Bengal seems to be trapped in since 2019. And the Left’s liberal use of Shah Rukh Khan’s dialogues isn’t really going to take them far either. He wrote that it could be because of their inability to understand the quintessential ‘Bengali duality’.
In the 17th century, if you said that Sikhs would one day dominate Punjab, you would have been laughed out of the bazaar. The Sikhs were, relatively speaking, nobodies. Khalsa were a minority within a minority—never more than 10 per cent of Punjab’s population. It was only when they won over the farmers that they were able to overthrow the Mughals, wrote Anirudh Kanisetti.
Religion was certainly part of it, but we should never ignore the power of an enthusiastic, aspirational peasantry in India’s history.
In my Ground Reports section, I have two really fascinating stories for you to read.
The Archaeological Survey of India is on a mission to untangle the historical threads of the Braj region, the birthplace of the Hindu deity Krishna. For the first time in 50 years, the ASI is excavating Govardhan Hill, part of the Braj region. Krishan Murari travelled to the dig and wrote about how the exercise is part of the Modi government’s drive to dig deeper into India’s ancient roots and discover compelling evidence of the Mahabharata period.
Indie filmmakers are riding a new wave of interest in ‘real’ Punjab. They are making movies that are tearing down ideals of honour and masculine pride. Tina Das travelled to Punjab, watched movie shoots and spoke to actors and directors to report on what she calls an indie film revolution. |
